Gareth Smyth has covered Middle Eastern affairs for 20 years and was chief correspondent for The Financial Times in Iran.

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  • Iran’s judiciary gets dragged into the political dogfight, On: Sun, 29 Jan 2017

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  • Former German diplomat Paul von Maltzahn: Spectre of Trump haunts Europe’s bid to keep Iran deal intact , On: Sun, 22 Jan 2017

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  • Russia’s economic stakes in Iran are growing

    Putin’s visit boosts political and economic co-operation after Trump called for tougher sanctions on Iran.

    Expanding reach. Russian President Vladimir Putin steps down from his plane on his arrival to Mehrabad Airport in Tehran, on November 1. (AP)

    2017/11/12 Issue: 131 Page: 15


    I n the past several weeks, Rus­sian President Vladimir Putin has received Saudi King Sal­man bin Abdulaziz Al Saud in Moscow and met with Ira­nian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in Tehran. Russia is making diplomatic efforts in Syria both through the Astana peace pro­cess and in expressing interest in autonomy for Syrian Kurds and so wooing the Democratic Union Par­ty, an erstwhile United States ally against the Islamic State (ISIS).

    Russian outreach does not stop there. Despite supporting Syrian President Bashar Assad alongside Hezbollah in the Syria war, Moscow maintains intelligence co-opera­tion with Israel, vital in the split-second coordination required with fighter jets in the same airspace.

    Compared to the pomp and me­dia circus following US President Donald Trump, Putin proceeds with stealth. The crucial difference is that Putin does not see politics as a zero-sum game. By avoiding simplistic “either-or” options, he advances Russia’s political and eco­nomic interests even while posing as an arbitrator.

    The regional powers understand this mentality. Turkey is allied with the United States and the Gulf Arabs in supporting the Syrian op­position but shares Iran’s fears over Kurdish autonomy. The Saudis talk of a “Shia crescent” and yet block­ade Qatar, a fellow Salafist monar­chy while reaching out to Iraqi Shia leaders. Israel has developed subtle links with Arab leaders who share the Israelis’ fears over Iran and the Muslim Brotherhood.

    Likewise, Iran has long-standing commitments to regional allies — Syrian President Bashar Assad and Hezbollah — and a pragmatism that Iranian President Hassan Rohani has sought to develop. Iran’s lead­ers are suspicious of Russia given historical rivalries and Moscow’s 2005 support for referring Tehran’s nuclear programme to the UN Se­curity Council. And yet, they wel­come common ground against the Trump administration.

    Putin’s visit boosts political and economic co-operation after Trump called for tougher sanc­tions on Iran and refused to certify Tehran’s compliance with the 2015 nuclear agreement. In Tehran, Pu­tin reiterated Russia’s commitment to the nuclear deal, officially called the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). He stressed that Iran’s missile programme was an unrelated defence matter.

    Putin took with him senior en­ergy officials and CEOs and there were six memorandums of under­standing signed with Russian com­panies, including Gazprom and Rosneft. Rosneft CEO Igor Sechin cited a figure, apparently for his company alone, of $30 billion in investments in “several oil and gas fields.” Russian Energy Minister Al­exander Novak said that, by year-end, Russia and Iran would agree to a project involving Gazprom send­ing Iranian gas to India.

    This adds to seven memoran­dums of understanding agreed to last year for seven oilfields with Lukoil, Gazprom, Tatneft and Zarubezhneft. The fields are largely established ones with poor recovery rates. Iran has said it was in talks with Rosneft over four oil­fields and with Gazprom over gas projects, including a pipeline to In­dia, storage and liquid natural gas.

    Memorandums of understanding do not always come to fruition and Tehran is keeping its options open. It is wary of being too reliant on Russia or on anyone else.

    Iran would like to tempt Western energy majors, which have the lat­est technology and can help meet Iran’s target of $200 billion foreign investment in energy by 2021 but it has not yet added to the $5 billion deal signed with Total in July for phase 11 of the South Pars gas field.

    While European investment in the wider Iranian economy is in­creasing, the dollar’s special role in oil makes the energy majors fearful of current and possible US sanc­tions. If the Western companies continue to hold back, Russian in­volvement in Iranian energy will increase.

    Russia’s overall trade with Iran — approximately $2 billion in 2016 — is below 2010’s record $3.7 bil­lion but it is growing, with both sides examining options for barter given Iran’s lack of access to dollars to fund an unfavourable trade bal­ance.

    Russia’s exports to Iran are led by machinery, arms (notably the S-300 missile defence system de­livered last year) and grain. Russian private companies are investing in Iranian internet companies and pharmaceuticals.

    Energy is important but not the only potential area for growth. While in Tehran, Putin attended a three-way summit with Azerbaija­ni President Ilham Aliyev to move along the “north-south corridor” project. This is a transit link from Iran to northern and Eastern Eu­rope. The summit backed speedy completion of the Rasht-Astana rail link, further energy swaps and establishing a legal regime for the Caspian Sea.

    This is part of a web of new pipe­line and rail links through central Asia to China that Oxford Profes­sor Peter Frankopan has called a “New Silk Road” but there is also a more short-term, specific Irani­an response to the United States. Whereas President Barack Obama saw the JCPOA as a step towards reorienting Iran towards the West, Trump is pushing it closer to Rus­sia.

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