French-sponsored G5 force may not offer stability on Maghreb’s border

It could take up to three years for the G5 to be transformed into a viable force able to replace Barkhane.

Diplomatic push. Mali’s President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita (L) walks with French President Emmanuel Macron at the G5 Sahel summit at the Koulouba presidential palace in Bamako, on July 2. (Reuters)


2017/07/09 Issue: 114 Page: 17


The Arab Weekly
Lamine Ghanmi



Tunis - French President Emma­nuel Macron is sending signals that Paris is look­ing for a way out of its costly military campaign in Mali after failing to stem the spread of violent jihadism south of the Maghreb.

Jihadists came to the fore in Mali with the flow of armed fight­ers from Libya after the 2011 fall of Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafi and the resurgence of the militant group Boko Haram south in Nigeria.

Macron has visited Mali twice since his election in May and talked on the phone at least three times with Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika.

Macron warned countries in the region against any laxity towards radical Islamists. The French gov­ernment sees such terrorist activ­ity as possibly threatening France’s interests in the sub-Saharan region, including uranium mines for nu­clear power plants — a key source of electricity in France.

Algeria, however, has been wary of France’s military campaign in the region, arguing that it could worsen the situation.

Algeria fears that militar­ily squeezed jihadists could move north at a time when seasoned ji­hadists from the region are expect­ed to return from war zones in the Middle East.

Nigeria has not linked up with the French military strategy in the Sahel, although it has been fighting Boko Haram extremists at home.

Macron’s fallback option seems to rely on a loose military grouping of five poor West African countries to form a multinational force to help uproot “terrorists, thugs and assassins” in the vast region.

“We cannot hide behind words and must take actions,” Macron told a gathering of the leaders of Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Burkina Faso and Chad that form the G5 group on July 2. The G5 was created in late 2014 but remained a nominal military force as it lacked financing, equipment and trained officers to turn it into a combat-ready corps.

France has pledged 70 tactical vehicles as well as communica­tions gear, operations and protec­tive equipment to the 5,000-strong G5 force, which is to be deployed in September when its funding comes through.

The multi-African national force will conduct military operations along with a 12,000-person UN peacekeeping mission and France’s 5,000-troop Operation Barkhane in the Sahel, its largest military opera­tion abroad.

Analysts interpreted the French move as a possible exit strategy that could allow it to withdraw its troops from one of the deadliest conflict areas in the world. Macron has insisted that France has no plans to leave Mali.

The operational handicaps faced by the African military force could push France to intensify its op­erations against extremist Islam­ists in the region so as not to be eventually forced to beat a hasty retreat from Mali that could be branded a failure.

“Concerned about France’s eco­nomic and political recovery to regain its stature in Europe and the world, Macron is seeking a solution to the stalemate of the Barkhane force in the Sahel,” said former UN Special Repre­sentative of the Secretary Gen­eral Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah, a Mauritanian diplomat.

“He has embraced the best approach: Fight to win,” he said. “Withdrawing in the middle of a failure is not an op­tion for Macron.”

Macron, however, may not be able to count the G5 force among his decisive weapons in the near future.

There is no strong mandate from the United Nations for the African force and Washington has balked at providing support to Paris while the strongest armies of the G5 bloc — Chad and Niger — have other issues to deal with.

Chad is deploying forces in Mali while it struggles to control its own long border with Libya and fight Boko Haram. Niger faces the threat of jihadists from Libya and the presence of al-Qaeda at home.

Military experts said it could take up to three years for the G5 to be transformed into a viable force able to replace Barkhane.

The European Union has prom­ised nearly $57 million but experts said the force needs ten times that amount.

Algeria and its Maghreb neigh­bours stand to feel the effects of France’s military strategy with the additional contribution of the G5 military wing.

“Put under more military pres­sures by the 5,000 soldiers of the G5 whose number will rise to 10,000 men, the terrorists will re­deploy north, which means Alge­rian borders,” said Brussels-based Algerian Sahel security specialist M’hammed Bouzina.

“Without strong involvement of Algeria and Nigeria, the main mili­tary powers in the region, there is no sustainable solution to terrorism in the Sahel,” said Algerian security specialist Yassine Ramdane.

Algeria sees the creation of the G5 as indirectly aimed at sidelining its role in the Sahel and prevent­ing it from competing with France, a traditional rival in terms of re­gional influence. Algeria advocates a more comprehensive approach to tackling terrorism and instability in the Sahel, including economic de­velopment and inclusive political dialogue.

“More than 5,000 Africans from several nationalities are operating with terrorist groups in the conti­nent and other zones of conflicts,” Algerian Prime Minister Abdel­majid Tebboune told an African Union summit on July 3.

“The African continent faces more challenges because of the threat of these individuals when they return home or to other Afri­can countries.”


Lamine Ghanmi is a veteran Reuters journalist. He has covered North Africa for decades and is based in Tunis.


As Printed
MENA Now
Editors' Picks

The Arab Weekly Newspaper reaches Western & Arabic audience that are influential as well as being affluent.

From Europe to the Middle East,and North America, The Arab Weekly talks to opinion formers and influential figures, providing insight and comment on national, international and regional news through the focus of Arabic countries and community.

Published by Al Arab Publishing House

Publisher and Group Executive Editor: Haitham El-Zobaidi, PhD

Editor-in-Chief: Oussama Romdhani

Managing Editor: Iman Zayat

Deputy Managing Editor and Online Editor: Mamoon Alabbasi

Senior Editor: John Hendel

Chief Copy Editor: Richard Pretorius

Copy Editor: Stephen Quillen

Analysis Section Editor: Ed Blanche

East/West Section Editor: Mark Habeeb

Gulf Section Editor: Mohammed Alkhereiji

Society and Travel Sections Editor: Samar Kadi

Syria and Lebanon Sections Editor: Simon Speakman Cordall

Contributing Editor: Rashmee Roshan Lall

Senior Correspondents: Mahmud el-Shafey (London) & Lamine Ghanmi (Tunis)

Regular Columnists

Claude Salhani

Yavuz Baydar

Correspondents

Saad Guerraoui (Casablanca)

Dunia El-Zobaidi (London)

Roua Khlifi (Tunis)

Thomas Seibert (Washington)

Chief Designer: Marwen Hmedi

Designers

Ibrahim Ben Bechir

Hanen Jebali

Published by Al Arab Publishing House

Contact editor at:editor@thearabweekly.com

Subscription & Advertising: Ads@alarab.co.uk

Tel 020 3667 7249

Mohamed Al Mufti

Marketing & Advertising Manager

Tel (Main) +44 20 6702 3999

Direct: +44 20 8742 9262

www.alarab.co.uk

Al Arab Publishing House

Kensington Centre

177-179 Hammersmith Road

London W6 8BS , UK

Tel: (+44) 20 7602 3999

Fax: (+44) 20 7602 8778

Follow Us
© The Arab Weekly, All rights reserved