Will Russian-Turkish relations deteriorate even further?

Can Russian-Turkish relations over­come this incident and return to normal or will they remain acrimo­nious or even deteriorate further?

Return to normalcy is not likely anytime soon

2015/12/04 Issue: 34 Page: 3

The Arab Weekly
Mark N. Katz

WASHINGTON - The November 24th shoot-down of a Russian war­plane by Turkish jets near the Turkish-Syrian border has led to a rapid downturn in relations between An­kara and Moscow.

Prior to the Russian intervention in Syria at the end of September, Russian-Turkish relations were rel­atively good, especially in the trade realm. The question now is: Can Russian-Turkish relations over­come this incident and return to normal or will they remain acrimo­nious or even deteriorate further?

One thing seems clear: A return to normalcy is not likely anytime soon as the leaders of both coun­tries feel deeply aggrieved.

The Turkish side maintains that its actions were justified since Rus­sian warplanes have repeatedly violated Turkish airspace despite warnings. Russia denies that its air­craft did such a thing on November 24th and that Ankara should not object to Russian air strikes against “terrorists” in Syria since their de­feat also serves Turkish interests.

Underlying everything is the two countries’ basic disagreement on the future of Syrian President Bashar Assad in Syria: Moscow wants its longtime ally to remain in power while Ankara wants to see Assad and his Alawite minority re­gime replaced by a Sunni majority one.

Moscow and Ankara, though, have disagreed about Assad since the uprising against his regime be­gan in 2011, yet the Russian-Turk­ish relationship was quite strong until recently.

For the past three years, their bilateral trade has been more than $30 billion per year and the two sides announced plans increase this to $100 billion by 2023. In 2014, about 4.4 million Russians visited Turkey — a major source of income for the Turkish tourism industry. Turkey imports much of its natural gas from Russia.

Moscow also valued Turkey for not joining the West in imposing economic sanctions against Russia over the Ukraine conflict. The lead­ers of both countries reportedly enjoyed friendly relations, based on their common antipathy for US foreign policy and Western criti­cism of their human rights records.

In short, until recently Moscow and Ankara agreed to not allow dis­agreements over Syria encumber their otherwise mutually beneficial cooperation. Perhaps Russian Pres­ident Vladimir Putin and Turkish leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan each assumed that events would inevi­tably result in the outcome each preferred in Syria and the other would have no choice but to accept the situation. But if this was what each overconfidently assumed, the Russian intervention to protect the Assad regime and the Turkish shoot-down of a Russian warplane on November 24th threaten their formerly close cooperation.

Moscow is ending visa-free travel to Russia for Turkish citizens effec­tive January 1st and urged Russians not to travel to Turkey. Planned joint economic projects and the continuation of Russian gas ex­ports to Turkey are in doubt.

More ominously, Moscow has an­nounced that it is deploying S-400 air defence missile systems to Syria from where they can hit targets well inside of Turkey. Moscow has increased its targeting of Syrian op­position groups aligned with Tur­key along the Turkish-Syrian bor­der, thus heightening the prospect of Russian violations of Turkish airspace.

Russian commentators have raised the possibility of Moscow not only aiding Kurdish opposition forces opposed to the Islamic State (ISIS) in Syria but of also supporting the Kurdish opposition inside Tur­key itself. If Russia did this, Turkey could retaliate by supporting the Turkic-speaking Muslims opposing Moscow’s rule in the North Cauca­sus and elsewhere in Russia.

And if Russian-Turkish hostili­ties escalate, Ankara might invoke clauses of the 1936 Montreux con­vention governing transit between the Mediterranean and Black seas via the Turkish straits that allow it to deny transit of foreign naval vessels during wartime or when Turkey is threatened with aggres­sion. Finally, Turkey is a member of NATO and other NATO members are obliged to defend Turkey if it is attacked.

But as bad as relations are now between Moscow and Ankara, will they deteriorate to this extent?

It is to be hoped that both Rus­sian and Turkish leaders will not allow this to happen, since neither would benefit from the loss of bi­lateral trade and both would suffer from further conflict. If either side supports opposition groups inside the other country, it could lead to powerful rebellions that each side may be unable to quash even if the other stops aiding them. Con­flict between different ethnic and sectarian groups could become as prevalent in the Kurdish regions of Turkey and the Muslim regions of Russia as they have already be­come in Syria and Iraq.

Let’s hope both Putin and Er­dogan will soon realise that they have much to gain from preserving Russian-Turkish cooperation and much to lose from increased hostil­ity.

Neither of them, unfortunately, is known for being self-restrained or accommodating towards others. Both, though, are strongly motivat­ed by the desire for self-preserva­tion. There is hope, then, that — to paraphrase the 17th-century Eng­lish political philosopher Thomas Hobbes — fear will give rise to clar­ity of vision in both men.

Mark N. Katz, a professor of government and politics at George Mason University, is currently a visiting senior fellow at the Finnish Institute of International Affairs.

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