Russia’s dramatic re-emergence

In Middle East cauldron, stability trumps both Western democracy and jihadi extremism, leading to perceptions there that Russia’s presence helps guarantee stability.

Enhanced stature


2015/12/11 Issue: 35 Page: 7


The Arab Weekly
John C.K. Daly



Russia’s stalwart support for Syrian President Bashar Assad has perplexed and angered a number of governments, including the United States, EU members and a number of Middle Eastern Sunni-dominated states, including Turkey, United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, which would like to see regime change in Syria.

Stripped of the overblown Western and Middle Eastern critical rhetoric, Russian President Vladimir Putin has repeatedly stated his philosophy for providing such support — “colour revolu­tions” in the post-Soviet space and “Arab spring” uprisings are underwritten by outside countries seeking to expand their influence in the targeted nations.

But the destruction of state structures has led to chaos and extremism. As proof, the Rus­sian government cites Ukraine, Libya, Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria. In the case of the latter, Putin’s belief is that those who take up arms against the Assad regime are de facto terrorists and that the resulting political power vacuum in “liberated” areas has allowed ex­tremism, from the al-Qaeda-allied al-Nusra Front to the Islamic State (ISIS) to flourish.

This view stands in stark con­trast to Western governments, led by the United States, and the aforementioned Middle Eastern governments that maintain there are “pro-democratic” elements in the Syrian resistance that deserve both financial sup­port and armaments.

Despite these policy polar opposites, in an ex­traordinarily adroit display of diplomacy, Putin’s Rus­sia has not only managed to bridge the Middle East’s deepening Sunni-Shia sectarian divide, maintain­ing good relations not only with the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Egypt and Shia Iran and, per­haps most extraordinarily, Israel as well, a performance unmatched by any other nation.

To give an idea of the depth of Putin’s relations with Middle East leaders, in the past five weeks Putin met Iran Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, King Abdullah II of Jordan, Saudi Arabia’s King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud and Kuwait’s Emir Sabah al-Sabah and had telephone conversations with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al- Sisi and Abu Dhabi’s Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan.

This otherwise singular diplo­matic accomplishment has been marred by the sudden dramatic worsening of Russia’s relations with its Black Sea neighbour Turkey following the latter’s No­vember 24th shooting down of a Russian Su-24 bomber operating in Syria after Turkish authorities said it had violated Turkish airspace.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has made no secret of his desire to see Assad replaced; in the worsening diplomatic situation Russia has accused Ankara of aid­ing and abetting the Syrian opposi­tion, including the Islamic State (ISIS). Since the aircraft’s downing Russia has imposed sanctions on Turkey and the diplomatic stale­mate shows no signs of abating any time soon.

Russia’s interest in assisting Middle East allies combat ter­rorism is not totally altruistic as a significant number of Russian citizens are fighting in the ranks of ISIS and Moscow is understand­ably nervous about them returning home with combat skills honed on Syrian, Iraqi and Libyan battle­fields.

Since the 1991 collapse of the USSR, Russia has fought two brutal wars in the Caucasus against its Chechen citizens and the northern Caucasus still remains turbulent. About 10% of Russia’s citizenry is Muslim, whose ranks swell every year with guest workers from Central Asian nations, primarily Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbeki­stan.

Russia’s policies are accordingly far more in tune with many Middle Eastern governments than those of the West, which deliver lectures on human rights and democracy even as they undercut uncooperative regimes. Small wonder then at the queue of Middle Eastern leaders wanting to meet with Putin.

In the Middle East cauldron, stability trumps both Western democracy and jihadi extremism, leading to perceptions there that Russia’s presence helps guarantee stability. It is a simple truth that Ankara, Brussels and Washington have yet to acknowledge but one that they ignore at their peril.


John C.K. Daly is a Washington-based specialist on Russian and post-Soviet affairs.


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