Iraq’s internal problems hindering fight against ISIS

While Prime Minister Haider al- Abadi gets high marks in foreign circles for trying to be a good lead­er, his standing in Iraq is a different story.

Iraqi protesters demanding government reform

2016/03/18 Issue: 48 Page: 9

The Arab Weekly
Gregory Aftandilian

Low oil prices, domestic strife over corruption and ongoing terrorist bombings are dominat­ing Iraq’s domestic scene and hindering its fight against the Islamic State (ISIS). Although the United States has been generously subsidising Iraq’s military effort against ISIS and trying to shore up the country’s economy, no domestic rebound is likely to occur until oil prices rise and the regime gets serious about corruption.

While Prime Minister Haider al- Abadi gets high marks in foreign circles for trying to be a good lead­er, his standing in Iraq is a different story.

Some of this can be blamed on matters outside of his control. The drop in the price of crude has se­verely hurt the economy, as oil accounts for about 90% of govern­ment revenues. If oil prices remain as low as they are, the budget defi­cit could reach as high as $50 billion this year.

Government expenditures re­main high because of the large public sector workforce, a legacy of Iraq’s socialist past and more recent policies of doling out government jobs to political allies. About 7 mil­lion Iraqis are on the government payroll.

Abadi has tried to deal with this crisis by cutting government sala­ries by 3% and instituting fees on a number of services, but this has made the public even angrier be­cause of the widespread perception that much of government’s revenue is lost to corruption.

As one young Iraqi told a Western journalist recently: “This is a rich country, and it’s the poor that are being asked to take the burden for the mistakes of the corrupt govern­ment.”

Over the summer, large demon­strations broke out in Baghdad be­cause of electricity shortages, but they soon morphed into protests against corruption. In response, the Iraqi parliament voted for a pack­age of reforms put forward by Ab­adi aimed at stamping out corrup­tion. But there was no appreciable change.

In the past few weeks, there have been new protests over corruption, led by Shia cleric Muqtadr al-Sadr, who has been effective in mobilis­ing his supporters from time to time when he disagrees with govern­ment policy or when he wants to score political points.

In response, Abadi has pledged he will appoint a government of technocrats, as opposed to mem­bers of political factions, because the latter are seen as part of the corruption problem, that is, the practice of “taking care” of one’s political allies. Thus far, however, such a technocratic cabinet has not materialised.

The government is so sensitive about the corruption issue that it re­cently brought defamation charges against the editor of an Iraqi inde­pendent news site who reported on kickbacks from mobile phone com­panies to a telecommunications regulatory official.

If these problems were not enough, Iraq also has to cope with 3.3 million internally displaced ref­ugees from the ISIS advance in 2014 and earlier conflicts, and rebuild heavily damaged cities that have been liberated from ISIS control such as Ramadi and Tikrit.

To help deal with these economic crises, Iraqi officials in December 2015 negotiated a $1.2 billion loan from the World Bank to help offset the drop in the price of oil and large military expenditures that have been incurred in the fight against ISIS. Iraq is also seeking another loan from the International Mon­etary Fund. (It received a $1.24 bil­lion emergency loan from the fund in 2015.) As for the United States, most of its new aid since 2014 has gone to fight ISIS. In fiscal year 2015, for example, it spent $1.5 billion on the Iraqi “Train and Equip Fund”, $1.2 billion on the regular Iraqi mili­tary, $350 million for the Kurdish peshmerga forces and $24 million for Sunni tribal security forces.

In its fiscal year 2017 budget re­quest, however, President Barack Obama’s administration seems to have recognised that Iraq’s eco­nomic and social problems are se­rious matters that need to be ad­dressed. Of the total $1.8 billion for Iraq, $333 million is for economic assistance to “support good govern­ance and transparent use of public resources”.

In addition, the US has offered Iraq a $2.7 billion loan for military expenses.

Sensing this public discontent, ISIS has unleashed a spate of suicide bombings in Baghdad and in other areas under the government’s con­trol. ISIS not only hopes to keep Ira­qi security forces busy dealing with these attacks — delaying an offen­sive to try to take Mosul — but also to exacerbate public sentiments of the government not taking care of people’s needs, including security.

To turn things around, the Abadi government not only needs strong political will to stem corruption and the expensive system of patronage, but also tightening of world oil sup­plies that will drive up prices and revenues. It is not clear whether ei­ther will emerge anytime soon.

Gregory Aftandilian is a lecturer at the Pardee School of Global Studies at Boston University and is a former U.S. State Department Middle East analyst.

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