Printing money will not cure Algeria’s ills

Instead of calling in Algeria’s brightest and launching bold reforms, Algerian leaders are hunkering down and waiting for better days.

Algeria's Stock Exchange building in Algiers.


2016/06/12 Issue: 60 Page: 15


The Arab Weekly
Francis Ghilès



Barcelona - The sacking of the gover­nor of the central bank of Algeria did not make headlines outside Alge­ria. However, the depar­ture of Mohammed Laksaci and his replacement by Mohamed Loukal, the head of the Banque Extérieure d’Algérie, one of the pillars of what remains an ossified banking sys­tem, spells trouble for the coun­try’s economic management.

The new governor is neither a good macro-economist nor a savvy politician, which suggests he will be more willing than his prede­cessor to follow the dictates of his political masters who balk at the need to engage in the wide-ranging structural reforms that the Inter­national Monetary Fund (IMF) in­sists “are needed to help support economic activity during the fiscal consolidation and to diversify the economy”.

The effect of the oil price decline on growth has been limited in Alge­ria. In 2015, gross domestic product (GDP) grew 3.9% and inflation has held at 4.8%. However, the fiscal deficit doubled to 16% of GDP and the current account deficit has wid­ened. Reserves stood at $143 billion in December and external debt is negligible. Exchange rate depre­ciation helped the country cushion the shock and limited the external deficit but considerable fiscal ad­justment is essential.

The sacking of Laksaci suggests this is not the direction the govern­ment wants to take. It will sit the crisis out and do anything to avoid a repeat of the late 1990s when very bold economic reforms were launched in an attempt to modern­ise a command economy.

Prime Minister Abdelmalek Sel­lal is, however, no Mouloud Ham­rouche, who ran the government from 1989-91. Hamrouche had a bold vision of a politically and eco­nomically more liberal Algeria. He gave the Bank of Algeria autonomy and the then president appointed a governor who commanded wide­spread respect.

Laksaci was sacked without a word of thanks from the govern­ment after 15 years of loyal service to President Abdelaziz Bouteflika. The president’s closest advisers, who are in practice running Alge­ria as the head of state is very sick, were keen to get rid of a man who, for all his loyalty and eagerness to cover up endless financial scan­dals over the years — notably the collapse of Khalifa Airways and Khalifa Bank — had an intimate un­derstanding of the inner workings of the Bank of Algeria and how tens of billions of dollars of ill-begotten money found their way to accounts abroad.

Laksaci joined the Bank of Alge­ria in 1990, when he was in charge of the research department. He became governor after the central bank lost autonomy in 1999 and its governor, Abdelwahab Keramane, was dismissed. Keramane had made sure, after being appointed, that the Bank of Algeria kept its personnel, which was highly pro­fessional. He was also politically nimble.

In sharp contrast, Laksaci evis­cerated senior staff at the central bank. His unexpected appointment is explained by his membership in the main zaouia (religious frater­nity) in his home town of Adrar and the protection of its leader, Cheikh Belkebir, whom Bouteflika has long consulted.

Laksaci came under sustained attack from many deputies of the main party in parliament, the Na­tional Liberation Front for his warnings about the degraded state of the country’s public finances. He was intimating that a policy of priming the monetary pump should be avoided and that state spending should be held in check.

His mildly worded warnings in­furiated deputies, who, alongside other members of the nomenklatu­ra, had grown accustomed to shar­ing the plentiful resources offered by high oil and gas prices for more than a decade.

The abuse heaped on Laksaci in parliament and in part of the media was the writing on the wall. Alge­ria’s political leaders are refusing to face up to the major economic and financial crisis the country faces. No amount of warnings, by local economists, private sector busi­nessmen and former ministers or central bank governors, let alone the IMF seem to have the slightest effect on the prime minister, who seems determined to bury his head in the sand.

Algeria’s population has more than doubled since 1970 when the country was led by Houari Boume­diene: 30% of Algeria’s GDP was invested in the industrial sector, a figure that has fallen to 10% in the past decade. However misguided some of the projects initiated a generation ago were, they spoke of a noble ambition to educate and improve the living standards of Al­gerians.

Nearly one-third of Algerians be­tween the ages of 15 and 24 are un­employed and poverty is growing. Since the turn of the century, over­priced and badly built infrastruc­ture projects and financial scandals have proliferated. The sacking of Chakib Khelil as minister of Energy in 2009 and corruption cases in­volving state oil and gas company Sonatrach have dogged Algerian politics ever since.

It is only a matter of time before harsh reality intrudes but no doubt the new governor will oblige and resort to the printing press. Instead of calling in Algeria’s brightest and launching bold reforms, Algerian leaders are hunkering down and waiting for better days. None of Al­geria’s neighbours, which are des­perate for stability on the southern shores of the Mediterranean can relish the turn events have taken in Algiers.


Francis Ghilès is an associate fellow at the Barcelona Centre for International Affairs.


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