Turkey asserts itself in Iraq and Syria

After Turkey’s belated direct in­tervention in Iraqi and Syrian conflicts, Erdogan is unapologetic.

A K9 unit patrols along a wall on the border line between Turkey and Syria, near the south-eastern village of Besarslan, in Hatay province, Turkey, on November 1st. (Reuters)

2016/11/27 Issue: 83 Page: 15

The Arab Weekly
Harvey Morris

London - Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, seeming­ly invigorated by the fail­ure of the July attempted coup to unseat him, has been asserting his country’s right to insert itself directly into the con­flicts tearing apart its neighbours.

Turkish planes have been en­gaged in air strikes against the Is­lamic State (ISIS) in both Iraq and Syria, where Ankara’s local proxies have been pushing forward since they mounted a cross-border of­fensive in August to stop Kurdish forces taking over territory aban­doned by ISIS on Turkey’s southern periphery.

Erdogan dispatched his troops to northern Iraq, ostensibly as train­ers, to the great consternation of the Baghdad government.

On the diplomatic front, Erdog­an has patched up relations with Russia and even mended Turkey’s strained ties with Israel.

Alarmingly, from the perspective of Turkey’s neighbours, he has ref­erenced the 1920 National Pact that asserted Turkish sovereignty over territory as far as Kirkuk and Erbil in the east, Aleppo in the south and even Thessaloniki in present-day Greece.

This latest expression of Er­dogan’s latent neo-Ottomanism is something of a rhetorical device, designed to justify Turkey’s claim to have a say in the eventual out­comes of the conflicts in Iraq and Syria rather than as a threat to ex­pand the country’s borders.

At the same time, Turkish de­mands for the ousting of Syrian President Bashar Assad as a condi­tion for a peace settlement there have become less strident. That is, in part, a reflection of the rap­prochement with Moscow that fol­lowed President Vladimir Putin’s swift support for Erdogan in the wake of the July coup attempt.

The official line is still that Assad has to go. However, Turkish Prime Minister Binali Yildirim acknowl­edged this summer that Turkey might be prepared to sit down with Assad during a transition period. In the end, however, there was noth­ing to choose between Assad and ISIS, and both would have to go, ac­cording to Yildirim.

It was an instructive intervention, not just in terms of an apparent sof­tening of the Turkish tone towards Assad but also in its assumption that Turkey would have a central role in determining Syria’s future.

Yildirim did not, of course, ne­glect to include the Kurds as part of Turkey’s trinity of evil alongside As­sad and ISIS.

Ankara has done little to disguise the fact that those it regards as Kurdish terrorists, both in Syria and at home, are the real target of its new assertiveness. Turkey did little to confront ISIS when it was in its ascendancy but has now intervened at a time when the jihadists are on the retreat to make sure the Kurds do not take over new territory.

Turkey stood back in 2014 when the Syrian Kurds defending the bor­der town of Kobane looked doomed to succumbing to an ISIS siege and was even accused of aiding the ji­hadists by allowing volunteers to reach the battlefront across Tur­key’s porous border.

Since the Syrian Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG) followed up their eventual victory at Kobane with further advances that might have allowed them to link up with Kurdish territory in the west, An­kara has insisted on becoming in­volved.

That has created friction with the United States, which has backed the Kurds as the most effective force on the ground against ISIS. The Ameri­cans moved to defuse the tensions in November by overseeing a with­drawal of YPG forces east of the Eu­phrates, Turkey’s self-declared red line.

As the YPG moved out of the Syri­an border town of Manbij after oust­ing ISIS and training local forces to defend the town, US special envoy Brett McGurk said the development was a “milestone” in the conflict. It may represent a short-lived respite, however.

The YPG has said it would now move on to the city of Raqqa, the de facto capital of ISIS’s self-pro­claimed border-spanning Islamic caliphate, in northern Syria, despite Turkey’s insistence it should keep out of that battle too.

Across the border in Iraq, there has also been a measure of success in talking down escalating tensions between Ankara and Baghdad. Tur­key has cast itself as the putative defender of the Sunni community and of Turkmen rights in an area of historic national interest.

The two sides now appear to have reached an accommodation in the dispute over Erdogan’s dispatch of troops to the Bashiqa camp outside Mosul.

After Turkey’s belated direct in­tervention in the Iraqi and Syrian conflicts, Erdogan is unapologetic. “Turkey cannot intervene against the threats right next to it?” he asked fellow Islamic leaders in Oc­tober. “We will never accept this. We don’t need permission for this, and we don’t plan on getting it.”

Harvey Morris has worked in the Middle East, including Iran and Lebanon, for many years and written several books on the region, including No Friends but the Mountains published in 1993.

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