Trump’s inner sanctum to shape US foreign policy

Trump does not seem to like or trust bureaucracies and especially governmental ones that are staffed by professional civil servants.

White House chief strategist Steve Bannon (L) and senior adviser Jared Kushner speak after US President Donald Trump signed an executive order at the White House in Washington on February 3rd. (Reuters)

2017/02/12 Issue: 93 Page: 17

The Arab Weekly
Mark Habeeb

Washington - Although Donald Trump has been US president for only a few weeks, it is clear that this admin­istration’s major foreign policy decisions will be made by a tight circle of advisers the president trusts.

This should come as no surprise. Trump’s company, while worth billions of dollars, is not a huge corporation with thousands of em­ployees. It is essentially a family-run enterprise supplemented by a handful of close confidantes with special skills — such as David Fried­man, Trump’s former bankruptcy lawyer who is his nominee to be US ambassador to Israel.

Trump does not seem to like or trust bureaucracies and especially governmental ones that are staffed by professional civil servants who have no personal loyalty to him. For Trump, everything is personal.

Admittedly, three weeks is not a long time in the life of an admin­istration and things can and do change over the course of a presi­dent’s term but Trump’s personal­ity is 70 years old and he is unlikely to change his style of leadership, the way in which he makes deci­sions or the people he trusts.

US Secretary of State Rex Tiller­son and Secretary of Defense James Mattis probably will spend more time managing their respective bu­reaucracies and carrying out offi­cial public duties than they will be making policy. At times they may find themselves wrestling to im­plement policies with which they do not agree or struggling to have their dissenting voices heard by the president.

So who will be shaping US foreign policy under Trump?

Three Trump advisers will play key roles and two of them have vir­tually no foreign policy experience. The first is national security adviser Michael Flynn, a retired lieutenant-general who for two years served as director of the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) under president Barack Obama. Flynn’s official bi­ography says he retired from DIA in 2014 but sources quoted in the New York Times claim that he was forced out due to poor management skills and a tendency to play with facts.

Flynn is a strong advocate of im­proved ties with Russia. In 2015 he gave a speech at a gala dinner in Moscow for Russian broadcaster RT and was seated next to Russian President Vladimir Putin. Flynn’s overriding concern, though, is Is­lamic extremism, which he views as a mortal threat to the United States. His views are clearly laid out in a book he co-wrote in 2016 with Michael Ledeen, a neo-conserva­tive writer and former government official.

In The Field of Fight: How We Can Win the Global War Against Radi­cal Islam and Its Allies, Flynn and Ledeen call radical Islam a “tribal cult” that grew out of a “failed civi­lisation”. They argue that, unless it acts decisively, the United States risks being “ruled by men who ea­gerly drink the blood of their dying enemies” and having sharia law imposed on Americans. They argue that Iran is the “linchpin” of Islamic extremism — including Sunni jihad­ists — and call for regime change in Tehran.

The second Trump adviser who will influence foreign policy de­cisions is his political strategist, Steve Bannon, former editor of the right-wing internet site Breitbart News. Except for a short stint in the US Navy, he has no foreign policy experience but many people credit Bannon with devising Trump’s winning campaign strategy that was characterised by a refusal to play by the traditional rules of po­litical decorum.

Like Flynn, Bannon sees Islamic extremism as an existential threat to Western civilisation. On January 31st, USA Today published an in-depth investigation into Bannon’s views based on comments he made in 2015 and 2016. Bannon says that the West is at war with Islam in a “civilisational struggle” that poses a bigger threat than even the rise of Nazi Germany in the 1930s. The United States, Bannon said, would potentially need to become en­gaged in another “major shooting war” in the Middle East.

The White House issued a state­ment on February 1st saying that Trump “does not share” Bannon’s views on Islam as revealed by the USA Today investigation but Ban­non nevertheless has been given a seat on the Principals Committee of the National Security Council.

The third and perhaps most im­portant member of Trump’s in­ner circle is Jared Kushner, the president’s 36-year-old son-in-law, whose official title is senior White House adviser. Kushner is closer to and more respected by Trump than any other person in the White House. He has no foreign policy experience, although his family foundation has supported the Is­raeli settler movement and Kush­ner formerly served on the board of the US-based Friends of the Israel Defense Forces.

Unlike Flynn and Bannon, Kush­ner holds his views close to his chest and has rarely spoken to the media but observers say he is a moderating force who frequently has talked his father-in-law out of taking reckless steps.

One thing seems clear: In an ar­gument between Kushner and oth­er members of the inner circle, the president is very likely to heed his son-in-law’s advice.

Until further notice, these three advisers are the ones to watch.

Mark Habeeb is East-West editor of The Arab Weekly and adjunct professor of Global Politics and Security at Georgetown University in Washington.

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