Iran concerned about Hariri’s resignation fallout

Facing increased uncertainty in Lebanon, Tehran is forced to provide Hezbollah with increased funds and more arms.

House of cards. The head of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Major-General Mohammad Ali Jafari, speaks to journalists in Tehran. (AP)


2017/11/12 Issue: 131 Page: 15


The Arab Weekly
Ali Alfoneh



Iran, which is often the insti­gator of regional instability, is concerned about volatility sparked by the resignation of Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri. Hariri’s stepping down not only ends the political cohabitation between Hezbollah and other leading political forces in Lebanon, it exposes Tehran’s ally to a military threat from Israel and harsh international sanctions.

Everything seemed to be in Tehran’s favour when Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s foreign policy adviser Ali Akbar Velayati met with Hariri in Beirut on November 3. “Iran supports stability in Lebanon and defends the stability of the Leba­nese government,” Velayati said after the meeting.

He continued: “It is the terror­ists and extremist takfiri move­ments, supported by the United States, the Zionists and some re­gional countries, who do not want stability, security, independence and unity in the region.”

Hariri responded by saying: “In spite of some conflicts, stabil­ity and security is established in Lebanon and all groups cooperate [to achieve this goal].”

Less than 48 hours later, Hariri had resigned. In a televised ad­dress from Riyadh, Hariri said he feared an assassination plot and accused Iran of meddling in the region, causing “devastation and chaos.”

Iranian leaders and the coun­try’s regional allies attempted to give measured and confident responses but they are clearly fearful of political instability in Lebanon.

Rather than attack Hariri and his Future Movement, Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah charged Saudi Arabia with the “danger­ous accusations” made in Hariri’s resignation statement. He urged the Lebanese people to remain calm. In an indirect reference to the 1975-90 civil war in Lebanon, Nasrallah warned against “taking politics into the streets” and “re­turning to sectarian provocations of the past.” He said Israel would not “wage war unless the result is decisively in its favour.”

In Tehran, Foreign Ministry spokesman Bahram Qassemi took a similar line and targeted Saudi Arabia. He said: “The resigned Lebanese prime minister’s repetition of unfounded accusa­tions levelled against Iran by the Zionists, Saudis and Americans bear witness to the fact that this resignation, too, is a new scenario to create new tension in Lebanon and in the region.”

Major-General Mohammad Ali Jafari, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps commander, as­sumed a bolder posture. Hariri’s departure from office “may not be that bad,” he said. “What good did he do for the Lebanese people? God willing, the situation will improve.”

“A resignation delivered in Ri­yadh sends the clear message that it took place with the backing of the Arrogance [the United States] and the Arab states,” Jafari added.

Iran and its allies have every reason to be concerned. With the blessing of Lebanese President Michel Aoun, Hariri’s premiership marked at least political cohabita­tion, if not reconciliation between Hezbollah and other leading political forces in Lebanon. This arrangement not only legitimised Hezbollah as a part of the govern­ment but implicitly recognised Hezbollah’s military and its en­gagement in neighbouring Syria. Hariri’s resignation effectively puts an end to this.

In addition, Hezbollah may find itself more exposed to interna­tional sanctions and extremely vulnerable if there is armed con­flict with Israel. It is ill-prepared for this given its costly involve­ment in Syria over the past six years. I have identified 1,172 Hez­bollah fighters, including 71 senior officers, killed in combat in Syria since October 2012. This number must be considered an absolute minimum; the real figures are probably higher. Hezbollah fight­ers undoubtedly gained combat experience in Syria but the militia needs time to reorganise and rebuild its capabilities.

Facing increased uncertainty in Lebanon and the risk of Israeli military action against Hezbollah, Tehran is forced to provide Hez­bollah with increased funds and more arms. With one move on the chess board, the house of cards built by the Islamic Republic has come tumbling down.


Ali Alfoneh is a non-resident senior fellow at Rafik Hariri Centre for the Middle East at the Atlantic Council.


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