In Iran, ghosts of revolution’s mass killings come back to haunt

Montaz­eri was seen as a guide by reform­ists, as someone who wanted not only to protect politics from religion but to protect religion from politics.

An October 2008 file photo shows Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri speaking in Qom, Iran. (AP)


2016/12/25 Issue: 87 Page: 17


The Arab Weekly
Gareth Smyth



Beirut - In 1969, a pamphlet appeared in Qom, Iran’s religious cen­tre, with a new take on Imam Hussein, killed with reputedly 72 followers during the Battle of Karbala in 680AD. “The Eternal Martyr” argued that the Shia leader had gone into battle not expecting to die but in hope of overturning the unjust order of Caliph Yazid I.

Many senior clerics condemned the pamphlet but among those who did not was Ayatollah Hossein-Ali Montazeri, a former pupil of Aya­tollah Ruhollah Khomeini, then in exile in Iraq due to his agitation against the shah. Montazeri be­lieved in the power of human agen­cy, of activism: The world should not only be understood, it should be changed.

This commitment to activism re­mained a central thread for Montaz­eri until his death in 2009 at the age of 87, despite his shift from being Khomeini’s designated successor as Iran’s leader to becoming an in­spiration for the opposition Green movement. It has been inherited by his son Ahmad, at 60 recently sentenced to 21 years in prison on charges linked to national security.

The sentence, which in practice will be six years in respect of Ah­mad Montazeri’s standing, is relat­ed to the publication in August on a website devoted to Ayatollah Mon­tazeri, and edited by Ahmad, of a sound clip from 1988 in which the leading cleric criticised the prisoner executions carried out at the end of the 1980-88 Iraq war.

Ayatollah Montazeri referred to the executions, which were author­ised by special process and carried out with great haste, as the “biggest crime in the Islamic Republic, for which history will condemn us”.

He was apparently speaking to the judges hastily appointed for special commissions, and he was certainly speaking as a leading Islamic jurist.

His appeal to the judges was one step in Montazeri’s fall from power. Given the responsibility of drafting the post-revolutionary constitution and regarded by 1985 as Khomeini’s designated successor, Montazeri was in March 1989 removed as suc­cessor by Khomeini. In 1997, Mon­tazeri was put under house arrest after questioning the religious cre­dentials of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the previously mid-ranked cleric who had succeeded Khomeini as rahbar — leader.

Montazeri said the leader should be pre-eminent religiously and en­dorsed by the people.

By the time of his death, Montaz­eri was seen as a guide by reform­ists, as someone who wanted not only to protect politics from religion but to protect religion from politics and to apply rules to both.

Some of the many thousands at his funeral wore the green scarves favoured by supporters of Mir-Hos­sein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, the two reformist presidential can­didates under house arrest for their support of street protests against the disputed 2009 presidential elec­tion.

But if Montazeri’s long career in­volved him wrestling with the com­plex relationship between God and politics in the Islamic Republic, his activism did not stop at Iran’s bor­ders. He was a strong supporter of extending the international reach of the revolution, particularly in Leba­non.

His close ally, Mehdi Hashemi, a volatile character who had been ac­cused in 1976 of killing an ayatollah who allegedly supported the shah, was executed in 1987 after his at­tempts to expose the secretive deal­ings of the Iran-Contra scandal. This was a time when the Islamic Repub­lic looked to the United States and Israel for weapons to help fight Iraq.

While Khamenei and his then ally Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani saw ex­pediency and vital national interest in such a move, Montazeri saw the principles of the revolution.

Iran’s factionalised politics has always encompassed the judiciary. Two active judicial figures in 1988, the time of the prison executions, are prominent today.

Mostafa Pour-Mohammadi is minister of Justice and Ebrahim Raisi, in 1988 Tehran’s prosecutor-general, was appointed by Khame­nei in March as chairman of Astan Quds Razavi, the foundation that manages the shrine of Imam Reza in Mashhad.

Judges seem to be part of the political fray. Sadegh Larijani, the judiciary chief identified by some as a possible leader after Khame­nei, has been recently dragged into public controversy after a reform­ist-inclined parliamentary deputy, Mahmoud Sadeghi, raised allega­tions that Larijani held public funds in personal bank accounts.

The charges not only recalled suggestions from former president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad about the Larijani brothers — there are four prominent in public life — but also looked like a counter to constant sniping from principlists against the large salaries and bonuses being enjoyed by technocrats linked to the government of President Has­san Rohani.

Ahmad Montazeri is unlikely to abandon his activism even in prison and his father will remain an influ­ential symbol even in death. The 21-year sentence reflects the lead­ership’s sensitivity over Ayatollah Montazeri and the continued im­portance of religious standing in Iranian politics.

Quite how important will be seen in the succession to Khamenei as rahbar as and when it comes.


Gareth Smyth has covered Middle Eastern affairs for 20 years and was chief correspondent for The Financial Times in Iran.


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